For years, employers and working parents have understood the practical challenges created by a shortage of affordable, accessible child care. New research and polling suggest those challenges are increasingly becoming something else, too: an economic issue with growing political salience.

The numbers help explain why.

A finds that more than eight in 10 likely voters 鈥� 82% 鈥� consider the cost of childcare part of the nation鈥檚 broader concerns with the cost of living. More than three-quarters, 76%, say the cost of care for families with young children is either a crisis or a major problem.

For parents who actually pay for childcare, the issue is even more immediate. Asked to identify the two biggest cost pressures they face, 38% named childcare, putting it virtually even with groceries at 40% and behind only housing at 56%.

Those findings come as new data illustrate the size of the challenge here in Arizona 鈥� and recent economic research makes the case that childcare isn鈥檛 simply a family issue but increasingly a workforce and economic competitiveness issue as well.

Arizona families feel the squeeze

Arizona is home to more than 481,000 children age 5 and younger, according to the First Five Years Fund, and 62% have all available parents participating in the workforce.

For those families, care can represent a significant household expense. The annual price of center-based childcare in Arizona is $16,384, or about $1,365 per month. Home-based care is less expensive, but still averages $9,339 annually, or $778 per month. FFYF estimates a 17% gap between the supply of childcare and potential need in Arizona and puts the annual economic impact of the state鈥檚 childcare challenges at $3.3 billion.

Those figures align with that found Arizona鈥檚 supply of licensed child care providers has declined dramatically even as the state鈥檚 population has grown.

Arizona had 5,126 licensed childcare providers in 2002. By 2024, that number had fallen to 2,779 鈥� a 46% decline. Meanwhile, the median daily cost of licensed center-based infant care increased from $43.03 in 2018 to $61.40 in 2024.

The problem is especially acute in some rural areas, but it isn鈥檛 confined to them. CSI found that even Maricopa County has licensed capacity sufficient for only about 13% of its infant population.

A workforce issue hiding in plain sight

For the business community, perhaps the most consequential aspect of the childcare debate is its effect on the labor force.

When parents cannot find care, cannot afford it, or cannot find care that accommodates their work schedules, the consequences eventually reach employers. Workers may reduce their hours, turn down jobs or promotions, miss shifts, or leave the workforce altogether.

The latest polling suggests the effects extend well beyond parents themselves. Nearly 40% of all voters surveyed said their own ability to work is affected by coworkers鈥� childcare challenges. Almost half of working parents said childcare challenges affect their ability to work, and one in five parents with young children said those challenges frequently do so.

CSI attempted to put an economic value on addressing that problem.

Its analysis estimates that making childcare sufficiently affordable and accessible could draw between 15,500 and 87,800 additional Arizonans into the labor force. Under CSI鈥檚 midpoint scenario of 50,000 new workers, the effects ripple well beyond those individuals: The modeling projects 131,700 additional jobs by year five, approximately $17.5 billion in additional state GDP, more than $13.5 billion in additional personal income and an estimated $188 million in additional state income tax revenue.

Those are significant numbers in a state where employers regularly identify access to talent as one of their most important considerations when deciding whether to expand, relocate or invest.

Political salience is growing

None of this means there is an obvious policy answer.

The childcare market presents a particularly difficult economic equation. Care is expensive for parents while wages for childcare workers remain comparatively low. Providers operate in a labor-intensive business with narrow margins, and regulations intended to ensure children’s health and safety can also increase operating costs and create barriers to adding capacity.

CSI鈥檚 research cautions against viewing increased subsidies as the only answer. It points to regulatory reform, expansion of home-based and alternative models, and policies that encourage more providers to enter the market as ways to increase supply and put downward pressure on costs.

But what does appear to be changing is the political environment surrounding the issue.

The FFYF poll found broad support for several basic objectives: 83% support ensuring that parents can choose the type of childcare that works best for their family, 73% support lowering monthly child care costs, and 71% support expanding the supply of care. Nearly half of Democratic voters surveyed said congressional Democrats should work with Republicans and President Donald Trump to pass childcare legislation.

That is noteworthy at a time when affordability is likely to remain central to the political conversation.

Housing, groceries, energy and other household expenses tend to dominate discussions about the cost of living, but for many families with young children, childcare increasingly belongs in that conversation, representing one of the largest bills they pay.

And unlike many other household expenses, the availability and price of childcare can determine whether a parent is able to work in the first place.

That makes childcare unusual in the affordability debate: Addressing it has the potential not only to reduce pressure on household budgets, but also to increase labor-force participation and expand the pool of workers available to employers.

This latest research suggests policymakers should expect childcare to command greater attention, not simply as a family issue, but as an affordability, workforce, and economic growth issue with increasingly significant political implications.

Image courtesy Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License

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The Arizona 91果冻传媒 of Commerce & Industry and Arizona Manufacturers Council have opened nominations for two statewide competitions recognizing standout products, companies, and leaders across Arizona鈥檚 manufacturing sector.

The fourth annual competition, , invites manufacturers of all sizes to nominate products made in the state. Eligible entries can come from global companies, small businesses, artisan producers and independent makers.

Competition winners will be announced at an as part of the Arizona Manufacturers Council鈥檚 Manufacturing Month programming.

鈥淎rizona manufacturers are building everything from advanced aerospace and defense systems to semiconductors, lifesaving medical devices and everyday products that shape how we live and work,鈥� said Grace Appelbe, executive director of the Arizona Manufacturers Council. 鈥淭his competition is our chance to show people just how much is being made here, recognize the skilled teams behind those products and have a little fun deciding which one deserves the title of Hottest Thing Made in Arizona.鈥�

The competition returns as Arizona continues to attract major manufacturing investment and international attention.

recently announced an additional $100 billion investment in its Phoenix operations, bringing the company鈥檚 planned Arizona investment to $265 billion. The expanded plans include six semiconductor fabrication facilities, two advanced packaging facilities and a research and development center.

Amkor Technology鈥檚 planned $7 billion advanced semiconductor packaging and testing campus in Peoria was also named the for 2025 by Site Selection magazine. The project is expected to create as many as 3,000 jobs.

Past winners of the Hottest Thing Made in Arizona competition include:

• Boeing鈥檚 AH-64 Apache helicopter in 2023
• The Dexcom G7 continuous glucose monitor in 2024
• Honeywell Aerospace鈥檚 131-9 auxiliary power unit in 2025

Nominations are also open for the 2026 Arizona Manufacturer of the Year Awards, which recognize companies, industry leaders, and achievements in seven categories:

• Small Manufacturer of the Year
• Medium Manufacturer of the Year
• Large Manufacturer of the Year
• Excellence in Innovation
• Excellence in Sustainability
• Champion of the Year
• Arizona Success Story

鈥淭hese awards recognize the companies and people translating Arizona鈥檚 manufacturing momentum into real products, high-quality jobs and stronger communities,鈥� Appelbe said. 鈥淲hether they employ thousands of people or a few dozen, Arizona manufacturers are solving difficult problems, investing in their teams and proving that our state can compete with anyone.鈥�

The Hottest Thing Made in Arizona competition will include a series of public voting rounds, allowing employees, customers and communities to rally behind their favorite Arizona-made products.

Nominations can be submitted at .

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This opinion column from Arizona 91果冻传媒 of Commerce & Industry President and CEO Danny Seiden was originally published by .

There’s an argument gaining traction in Arizona that sounds simple enough. We live in the desert. The Colorado River is drying up. So maybe Arizona needs to stop growing.

I understand why that resonates. If you’re watching Lake Mead fall, hearing about federal water cuts, and then reading about another semiconductor plant, housing development or data center, it’s easy to assume they’re all fighting over the same shrinking glass of water.

They’re not.

 in The Republic last week. He’s right about the seriousness of the situation. He’s right that Arizona could face the deepest cuts in the basin. He’s right that not every project penciled out on paper deserves to be built. But he’s dead wrong about the most important thing: Arizona’s growth is not the cause of the shortage, and building less won’t fix it.

Start with the water itself. Arizona doesn’t have one giant bucket that every home, farm and employer draws from. Different communities rely on different combinations of Colorado River water, groundwater, in-state surface water, reclaimed water and stored supplies.

Agriculture is by far the largest user of water in Arizona.听听of the state’s total. That doesn’t mean industry gets a free pass or that every project belongs everywhere. It means that when someone tells you Arizona’s water crisis is a growth problem, they’re pointing at the smallest slice on the plate.

Here’s the part almost nobody explains. In much of Arizona, when irrigated farmland becomes housing, that land uses less water than it did before. An acre of cotton uses more water than an acre of houses. The new subdivision isn’t adding demand. It’s reducing it. That’s the entire premise behind the ag-to-urban law the Legislature and Gov. Katie Hobbs .

That kind of efficiency is nothing new for us. Arizona has added millions of residents over the past 40 years while using roughly the same amount of water it used decades ago. We did it by investing in conservation, reuse, recharge and storage. Growth didn’t prevent those investments. Growth helped pay for them.

Data centers deserve a straight answer, because they’ve become the villain in this story. They are not all built or cooled the same way, and newer facilities increasingly use closed-loop and air-cooled systems designed to cut water demand. Large industrial projects should also be expected to help pay for the treatment, reuse, and infrastructure their growth requires. If those expectations need to be tougher, make them tougher. It’s not a reason to stop building.

What gets lost in that debate is what growth actually pays for.

When a major employer invests billions of dollars here, it hires people, supports suppliers and small businesses and pays into the tax base at a higher rate than a homeowner does. Those revenues help pay for roads, schools and public safety. Take that growth off the table and those bills don’t disappear. They just fall more heavily on the people already here.

Housing is part of this equation too. Arizona already has an affordability problem. If our answer to water scarcity is simply to build less, we should be honest about what comes with that: fewer homes, tighter supply and your kids priced out of the state they grew up in.

None of this means Arizona should approve every development proposed anywhere.

A 100-year assured water supply designation shouldn’t, in fact, count as proof of anything if it rests on optimistic assumptions about water nobody has found yet. A designation is a document. It is not water. If a project can’t demonstrate a real supply, it shouldn’t be built.

That’s responsible growth. It’s a completely different argument from “Arizona’s growth is the problem.”

And that difference matters right now, because the second version lets Washington off the hook.

The federal government is weighing Colorado River rules that could force Arizona into the deepest reductions in the basin while asking far less of other states. We’ve already conserved. We’ve already invested. We’ve already planned for a smaller river. Arizona’s leaders, Republican and Democrat, have been united in saying every state drawing from this river needs to share the responsibility.

There are hard choices ahead. Water will get more expensive. We’ll need more conservation, more reuse, more infrastructure and more new supplies. Some proposed developments won’t make sense in some places.

But retreating from growth isn’t a water strategy.

The river drew a boundary. It didn’t draw a wall around Arizona’s economy. Building less won’t refill Lake Mead. All it will do is make life more expensive for the people already living here.

Danny Seiden is the president and CEO of the Arizona 91果冻传媒 of Commerce & Industry.

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As school choice and education savings account programs continue to expand across Arizona and the U.S., state agencies face a growing operational challenge: how to administer billions of dollars in public funding while ensuring compliance, transparency, and a streamlined experience for families.

Odyssey was built to solve exactly that problem.

Rather than simply functioning as a payments processor, the technology company developed an end-to-end platform designed specifically for public education funding programs. Its technology helps state agencies manage everything from eligibility verification and document collection to vendor management, purchasing controls, reimbursements, and financial reporting all within a single system.

With Odyssey managing school choice programs in states like Texas, Florida, and Iowa, the need for technology that can handle the complexity of program administration has become increasingly important as they scale across the country. Modern programs can serve tens of thousands of families, support thousands of education providers, and process enormous volumes of applications, receipts, and transactions. Managing that complexity through spreadsheets and dated software is no longer sustainable.

That operational focus has also positioned Odyssey to become an early adopter of artificial intelligence (AI), using it as a practical tool for improving efficiency and strengthening the integrity of its program.

“Odyssey is proud to play a key role in expanding access to high quality education for families in states across the country, regardless of income or zip code,” said Sam Ratcliffe, chief technology officer at Odyssey. 鈥淲e are committed to offering our best-in-class technology and AI to better serve school choice families, schools, and program administrators. When technology is built around the needs of both government and families, it expands educational opportunity while delivering the transparency and accountability that public programs require and taxpayers deserve.鈥�

Unlike traditional software that relies exclusively on fixed rules, Odyssey utilizes AI to interpret large volumes of unstructured information, including receipts, invoices, product descriptions, and supporting documentation. The technology helps classify purchases, identify missing information, detect unusual transaction patterns, and prioritize cases that warrant additional human review.

Every flagged transaction is routed through structured review workflows where trained specialists review the issue to make the final determination according to state policy. This approach allows agencies to automate repetitive administrative work while preserving oversight for higher-risk decisions.

Odyssey鈥檚 platform also strengthens fraud prevention by addressing improper payments before they occur rather than solely relying on audits after funds are spent.

As Odyssey’s platform has expanded across multiple states, machine learning has become increasingly effective at distinguishing between normal program activity and behavior that calls for closer examination. Operational feedback from reviewers continually
improves case prioritization while ensuring each state’s unique policy requirements remain central to every decision.

Beyond compliance, automation has significantly improved the experience for families. Instead of waiting days or weeks for application reviews, Odyssey鈥檚 automated systems can return eligibility decisions in seconds. Families can apply, upload documents, monitor balances, purchase approved educational services and track reimbursements from a mobile device — an important feature considering that roughly 85% of users access the platform via smartphone.

For state agencies operating with limited staffing resources, those efficiencies are equally meaningful. Automation handles routine processes such as application intake, document validation, transaction routing and payment reconciliation, allowing employees to focus on complex cases, policy interpretation, investigations, and constituent support.

Ultimately, Odyssey sees AI as one component of a broader technology ecosystem designed to make education funding more efficient, transparent, and accountable. By combining automation with configurable program rules, comprehensive audit trails and human oversight, the company is helping modernize how states administer rapidly growing education choice programs while strengthening safeguards for public funds.

Photo: Luc茅lia Ribeiro, CC BY-SA 2.0 , via Wikimedia Commons

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The Arizona 91果冻传媒 of Commerce & Industry has been named the recipient of the 2026 Conference of State Manufacturers Associations Leadership Award, a national honor recognizing work on behalf of the manufacturing sector.

The National Association of Manufacturers this week during COSMA鈥檚 annual meeting in Colorado Springs, Colorado.

COSMA members serve as the NAM鈥檚 official state partners, representing manufacturing priorities at the state level while helping elevate federal policy issues from across the country. A selection committee made up of previous award recipients evaluates nominees based on advocacy, organizational excellence, innovation, industry promotion and growth.

The Arizona 91果冻传媒 was selected in part for its work on a first-in-the-nation federal air-quality policy outcome affecting the Phoenix-Mesa region.

Earlier this year, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency approved Arizona鈥檚 Clean Air Act Section 179B demonstration, preventing the region from being reclassified to 鈥淪erious鈥� ozone nonattainment based on pollution originating largely outside the state鈥檚 control.

The 91果冻传媒 and Arizona Manufacturers Council had spent years advocating for the change alongside state, regional and federal partners. The decision spared manufacturers and other employers from additional permitting requirements, emissions-offset mandates and other regulatory costs that would not have addressed the primary sources of the region鈥檚 ozone levels.

鈥淭he Arizona 91果冻传媒 of Commerce & Industry has blazed a trail for all manufacturers by helping the EPA align federal policy with scientific reality and pragmatic solutions,鈥� said Michele Siekerka, president and CEO of the New Jersey Business & Industry Association and COSMA chair.

Siekerka said the Arizona effort provides other states with 鈥渁 replicable playbook for collaborative and effective advocacy.鈥�

NAM President and CEO Jay Timmons also cited Arizona 91果冻传媒 President and CEO Danny Seiden鈥檚 bipartisan approach and broader advocacy on behalf of manufacturers.

鈥淒anny Seiden exemplifies the best of manufacturing association leadership in the United States,鈥� Timmons said. 鈥淏y leading with integrity, focusing on bipartisan solutions and delivering an impact across our sector and the communities we serve, Danny has earned wide respect not only from the business community but lawmakers of both parties and at all levels.鈥�

Timmons said manufacturers and families across Arizona benefit from Seiden鈥檚 鈥渃are, drive and stewardship,鈥� adding that the NAM was proud to recognize his advocacy.

Seiden said the award reflects the work of the 91果冻传媒鈥檚 staff, members and partner organizations across a range of policy and economic-development priorities.

鈥淲e鈥檙e grateful to COSMA and the NAM for this recognition,鈥� Seiden said. 鈥淚t means even more coming from organizations that understand the work it takes to support a strong manufacturing sector.鈥�

He said the 91果冻传媒鈥檚 efforts have included work on federal air-quality policy, building public support for new investment and advancing the infrastructure needed to support Arizona鈥檚 continued economic growth.

鈥淭his award reflects the effort of our entire team, our members and the partners who have worked alongside us,鈥� Seiden said.

The Arizona 91果冻传媒 works with the Arizona Manufacturers Council to advocate for policies affecting manufacturers across the state, including regulatory, workforce, infrastructure and economic-development issues.

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In addition to major statewide races and congressional and legislative contests, the 2026 statewide ballot will feature proposals on taxes, education, election rules, and local government authority.

Lawmakers have already referred 10 measures to the Nov. 3 general election ballot. A citizen-led proposal, the Protect Education Act, could become the 11th statewide question if it clears the state鈥檚 signature-verification process. The initiative is listed by the Arizona Legislative Council as

The Arizona Legislative Council for the ballot measures at its Wednesday, July 8 meeting. Those summaries will appear in the publicity pamphlet mailed to voters by the Secretary of State鈥檚 Office before early voting begins.

Statewide races

The governor鈥檚 race will headline Arizona鈥檚 statewide contests, with voters also choosing a lieutenant governor and other statewide officeholders. , squaring off against Republican Andy Biggs who represents the East Valley in Congress.

Other statewide races on the ballot include secretary of state, attorney general, treasurer, superintendent of public instruction, mine inspector and two Corporation Commission seats.

Voters will also decide on congressional and legislative races.

For the business community, the Corporation Commission races will be closely watched because the commission regulates utilities and energy policy, issues tied to infrastructure, reliability, development, and business costs.

Challenger Ralph Heap finished second in the GOP primary and will appear on the ballot alongside incumbent Republican Kevin Thompson. They鈥檒l face off against Democrats Clara Pratte and Jonathon Hill.

Ballot measures

Ballot measures can reach Arizona voters in two ways. Lawmakers can send proposals directly to the ballot, while citizen-led campaigns must gather enough valid signatures to qualify.

For 2026, the Secretary of State set the statewide initiative filing deadline for July 2. To qualify for the ballot, a statutory initiative needs , while a constitutional amendment requires 383,923.

The measures cover issues ranging from taxes and education to election rules and local government authority. Listed by their Legislative Council titles, they include:

(2025): Prohibit tax; monitoring; vehicle mileage
The proposal would prohibit taxes or fees based on vehicle miles traveled.

: Food; municipal tax; exemption
The measure would prohibit municipal food taxes.

: Drug cartels; terrorist organizations
Voters would decide whether drug cartels should be treated as terrorist organizations under Arizona law.

(2026): Photo enforcement systems; voter approval
The measure would require voter approval for photo enforcement systems.

: Instructional expenses; operational spending; enforcement
The proposal would set spending requirements for school districts鈥� instructional and operational expenses.

: Citizenship; identification; contributions; early voting
The measure would change election rules related to citizenship, voter identification, campaign contributions and early voting.

: Interscholastic; intramural athletics; biological sex
The proposal would address participation in school athletics based on biological sex.

: School districts; labor organizations; resources
If approved, it would prohibit school districts from using public money or resources to support labor organization operations, including payroll deductions for dues.

: Preferential treatment; discrimination; prohibited acts
The proposal would prohibit certain forms of preferential treatment or discrimination in public employment, education, and contracting.

: Military families; scholarship accounts
The measure would change scholarship account eligibility for military families.

The Protect Education Act would make changes to Arizona鈥檚 Empowerment Scholarship Account program, including income-based eligibility limits for some families beginning in the 2027-2028 school year.

Supporters reported turning in 421,451 signatures by the July 2 deadline, above the 255,949 valid signatures required for a statutory initiative, but the measure has not yet been certified for the ballot as it鈥檚 the validity of its submitted signatures are under challenge.

In addition to the signature verification for the Protect Education Act, next steps include the official proposition numbering and publication of ballot language in the Secretary of State鈥檚 publicity pamphlet before early voting begins.

Early voting for the Nov. 3 general election begins Oct. 7.

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A broad coalition of U.S. business organizations, including the Arizona 91果冻传媒 of Commerce & Industry and the Arizona Manufacturers Council, is urging Congress to approve a long-term reauthorization of the Export-Import Bank of the United States (EXIM), arguing the agency plays a critical role in helping American manufacturers compete globally.

In a July 21 letter to lawmakers, 319 companies, trade associations, state chambers of commerce, manufacturers’ groups and local business organizations from all 50 states called on Congress to pass a robust 10-year reauthorization of EXIM before its authorization expires later this year.

The coalition argues that export financing has become an increasingly important competitive tool as foreign governments expand support for their domestic industries. The letter notes that more than 115 foreign export credit agencies are actively supporting exporters in their respective countries and points to China’s estimated $24 billion in medium- and long-term export credit support in 2024, more than four times the volume officially supported by the United States.

鈥淓XIM is an essential tool that helps American exporters compete globally and level the playing field,鈥� the organizations wrote, adding that the bank鈥檚 financing programs can determine whether U.S. companies win international contracts, expand operations and create jobs.

According to the coalition, EXIM authorized $8.7 billion in transactions during fiscal year 2025, supporting approximately 40,000 American jobs. More than 87% of those transactions directly benefited small businesses. Since 1992, the bank has generated a net $9.8 billion for the U.S. Treasury while maintaining a low default rate.

鈥淎rizona manufacturers compete in a global marketplace every day. The Export-Import Bank helps ensure that American companies aren鈥檛 forced to compete with one hand tied behind their backs while foreign governments aggressively finance their own industries,鈥� Arizona Manufacturers Council Executive Director Grace Appelbe said. 鈥淎 long-term reauthorization of EXIM will provide the certainty businesses need to invest, grow, and support high-quality manufacturing jobs here in Arizona and across the country, which is why we鈥檙e urging Congress to act.鈥�

Beyond extending the agency鈥檚 authorization for a decade, the letter calls on Congress to strengthen EXIM鈥檚 ability to operate during board vacancies, expand its China and Transformational Exports Program, and revise lending restrictions that the coalition says unnecessarily limit the bank’s competitiveness against foreign export credit agencies.

Arizona organizations signing the letter include the Arizona 91果冻传媒 of Commerce & Industry, Arizona Manufacturers Council, Arizona Regional Economic Development Foundation, Buckeye Valley 91果冻传媒 of Commerce, Chandler 91果冻传媒 of Commerce, Coolidge 91果冻传媒 of Commerce, Fountain Hills 91果冻传媒 of Commerce, Greater Phoenix 91果冻传媒, Mesa 91果冻传媒 of Commerce, Nogales Santa Cruz County 91果冻传媒 of Commerce, PHX East Valley Partnership, Scottsdale Area 91果冻传媒 of Commerce, and The 91果冻传媒 of Southern Arizona. The National Association of Manufacturers coordinated the nationwide sign-on effort, which drew support from major corporations including Boeing, Ford Motor Co., Lockheed Martin, Siemens Energy, Toyota Motor North America and the U.S. 91果冻传媒 of Commerce, along with hundreds of state and local business organizations.

image via

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The Arizona Supreme Court has declined to review a legal challenge involving a planned hotel development in Marana, leaving in place an appellate ruling that the project鈥檚 development agreement is not subject to referendum.

The Arizona 91果冻传媒 of Commerce & Industry participated through the Arizona 91果冻传媒 Legal Center, filing an amicus curiae brief urging the Supreme Court to let the lower court ruling stand.

鈥淭his is a significant result for Marana and for communities across Arizona that rely on a predictable development process,鈥� said Vanessa Pomeroy, chief counsel of the Arizona 91果冻传媒 Legal Center. 鈥淭he courts have now consistently recognized that the referendum power cannot be used to reopen every administrative action taken to implement a land-use plan that has already been publicly considered and adopted. Businesses need to know that when they follow the rules and a project receives the required approvals, those decisions will carry some measure of finality.鈥�

The case began after Marana rejected referendum petitions challenging a development agreement for a planned hotel project. A Pima County Superior Court judge sided with the town, and the Arizona Court of Appeals later upheld that ruling, finding the agreement carried out an existing development plan and was therefore not subject to referendum.

The agreement covers approximately 19 acres of town-owned property near Marana Main Street and Civic Center Drive and is tied to the Rancho Marana West Town Center Specific Plan, adopted in 2008. The plan calls for a mixed-use town center that could include commercial, retail, office, entertainment, residential and hospitality uses.

Arizonans for Responsible Development sought to place the Town Council鈥檚 approval of the agreement before voters. Marana declined to process the petitions, arguing that the resolution implemented an existing development plan rather than creating new policy.

That distinction is central under Arizona law. Legislative actions can generally be challenged through referendum, while administrative actions ordinarily cannot.

In its June ruling, the Court of Appeals said the development agreement 鈥渇urthers an already-declared policy鈥� and concluded that the resolution was 鈥渘ot legislative but administrative and is therefore not referable.鈥�

The court also rejected the challengers鈥� broader argument that all municipal development agreements are automatically subject to referendum, finding that state law does not eliminate the traditional distinction between legislative and administrative actions.

Pomeroy said the outcome matters beyond the Marana project because businesses, developers and local governments rely on clear rules and dependable timelines when making investment decisions.

鈥淭he referendum is an important constitutional safeguard, but it鈥檚 not a tool for creating perpetual uncertainty around approved development,鈥� Pomeroy said. 鈥淭here has to be a clear line between creating new policy and implementing policy that has already been adopted. That distinction matters for communities, employers and developers trying to move projects forward.鈥�

The Supreme Court鈥檚 decision leaves the appellate ruling intact, ending the challengers鈥� effort to place the development agreement before voters.

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Arizona voters head to the polls Tuesday, July 21, to help determine which candidates will advance to November’s General Election.

If you still plan to vote, here’s what you need to know before Election Day.

It’s too late to mail your ballot

If you still have an early ballot at home, do not place it in the mail. The deadline for returning ballots by mail has passed.

Instead, voters should return their completed ballot to an authorized ballot drop box or voting location, or vote in person on Election Day.

Find your voting location

Voters can locate their polling place, vote center, or ballot drop-off location through their county election office.

County election contact information is available through the Arizona Secretary of State’s Office:

Voters in Arizona’s two largest counties can also use these direct resources:

Most polling places are open from 6 a.m. to 7 p.m. Any voter who is in line by 7 p.m. is entitled to cast a ballot.

Bring identification

Arizona law requires voters casting a ballot in person to present identification before receiving a ballot. One acceptable photo ID with your name and address鈥攐r a qualifying combination of non-photo identification documents鈥攊s sufficient.

Here’s a of the acceptable forms of ID.

Independent voters can participate

Arizona has an open primary system. Voters registered as independents or with no recognized party affiliation may choose either a Democratic or Republican ballot when voting in the primary. They may vote only one party’s ballot.

Check the business community’s endorsements

For voters interested in learning which candidates have earned the support of Arizona’s business community, the Arizona 91果冻传媒 of Commerce & Industry has published its 2026 Primary Election endorsements.

View the complete list here:

Track your ballot

If you’ve already voted early or dropped off your ballot, you can verify that it has been received and counted through .

Voters can also use the portal to confirm their registration status and view other election information.

Tuesday’s election will determine the nominees for numerous federal, statewide, legislative, county, and local offices. Those winners will advance to the General Election on Nov. 3.

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This column by Arizona 91果冻传媒 of Commerce & Industry President and CEO Danny Seiden was in the Colorado Sun on July 16. The column comes in response to a recent听听by Colorado River Commissioner Becky Mitchell regarding the ongoing water negotiations between and the responsibilities of the Upper and Lower Basin states.

Colorado鈥檚 water commissioner wants Arizona to make 鈥渉ard decisions鈥� on the Colorado River. That鈥檚 a curious thing to hear from a state that still hasn鈥檛 agreed to a single binding cut.

Becky Mitchell鈥檚 recent column in The Colorado Sun ( July 7) tells a story where the Upper Basin has quietly sacrificed for decades while Arizona, California and Nevada are only now waking up to reality. It鈥檚 a compelling narrative. It鈥檚 just missing most of the numbers 鈥� and facts 鈥� that matter.

Start with snowpack. Yes, Colorado had a brutal year. So did the rest of the West. Arizona, Nevada, New Mexico, Utah, Wyoming and Colorado all set readings this year. Every state at this table is living through the same basin-wide crisis in real time. Colorado isn鈥檛 further along than the rest of us on this one.

Next, the claim that the Upper Basin has already been quietly cut by 1.3 million acre-feet a year for two decades. Call it what it is: automatic curtailment, not a negotiated commitment. When the water isn鈥檛 physically there, junior water rights get shut off under state priority systems that predate the 1922 Colorado River Compact by decades. Nobody negotiated that. Nobody signed anything. It happens whether Colorado agrees to it or not.

Compare that with what Arizona put on the table this year. In May, Arizona, California and Nevada through 2028. That includes 1.25 million acre-feet in binding reductions for both 2027 and 2028.

Arizona鈥檚 share alone would be 760,000 acre-feet, 61% of the total and the largest of any state. The Lower Basin proposal also includes at least 700,000 acre-feet in additional conservation on top of those reductions.

And that鈥檚 before you count the  outright back when the February talks were still alive. Every one of those numbers was real, specific and put in writing. Most of them either sit unanswered or were rejected outright by the Upper Basin states, Colorado included.

There鈥檚 a reason the numbers look so different, and it comes down to math, not sacrifice.

The Upper Basin has never built the storage and delivery infrastructure to use its full 7.5 million-acre-foot apportionment, even in good years. Mitchell notes that Upper Basin users took about 4 million acre-feet in 2021 while Lower Basin users took 11 million, and offers that up as proof of Upper Basin restraint and prudence. 

But promising to stay below half your allocation is easy when you were never on pace to use it in the first place. 

Arizona doesn鈥檛 have that option. Cities, tribes and farms across the Lower Basin depend on water we actually use, every year, close to our full apportionment. That鈥檚 why  to the Bureau of Reclamation already accounts for roughly 1.25 million acre-feet in evaporation and transit losses we used to get to write off. Colorado hasn鈥檛 put forward a comparable number for anything.

This kind of discipline isn鈥檛 new for Arizona. Our population has grown nearly 500% since 1957. Our economy has grown dramatically. Total water use hasn鈥檛. According to the Arizona Department of Water Resources, . Groundwater management, conservation requirements, water banking and decades of hard policy choices did that. Colorado hasn鈥檛 made those same choices on its side of the river.

 said it plainly after the February talks collapsed: The Lower Basin鈥檚 position is firm and fair. Arizona鈥檚 own negotiator, Tom Buschatzke,: The Lower Basin has offered numerous good-faith compromises, and virtually all of them have been rejected. That pattern is a track record, not a difference of opinion.

Mitchell closes her piece by inviting Arizona to join Colorado in adapting to a changing river. We鈥檇 take that invitation more seriously from a state that had actually agreed to something. Until then, we鈥檒l keep doing what we鈥檝e been doing: showing up with real numbers, real cuts and a plan Colorado still hasn鈥檛 matched.

Danny Seiden is the president and CEO of the Arizona 91果冻传媒 of Commerce and Industry.

The post Opinion: Colorado water officials can鈥檛 demand a sacrifice they aren鈥檛 willing to make appeared first on 91果冻传媒.